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Specialists might want to
give this page a miss! (Except for the criticism.) I admit to being a reader; I
pretend to be a writer; but I lay no claim whatsoever to any skill as a critic.
I have read some of what follows, but by no means all. My list of texts is
arbitrary. It is intended to do no more than offer some pointers to a reader for
whom African literature is an unexplored field.
This list excludes works which are in some way related to
slavery or the slave trade. For those, please click on The Slave Trade in Literature
FICTION &
CRITICISM
GHANA
Aidoo, Ama Ata, Changes, A Novel, Sub Saharan
Publishers, 1991
Armah, Ayi Kwei, The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born,
Heinemann, 1968
Darko, Amma, Beyond the Horizon, Heinemann, 1995
Darko, Amma, The
Housemaid, Heinemann, 1998
Kwakye, Benjamin , The clothes of nakedness.
(Heinemann,1998 ; African writers series), a novel on town life in Ghana
Patten, Margaret D., Ghanaian Imaginative Writing in English, 1950-1969, Dept. of Library Studies, University of Ghana, 1971. (bibliography)
Quote: A novel entitled Eighteenpence written by R. E. Obeng and published in England in 1943 is generally considered the first full-length novel written by a Ghanaian. However, in 1911, Joseph E. Casely Hayford published Ethiopia Unbound. This was reprinted by Cass in 1969. While this work is now studied primarily as "studies in racial emancipation," it is a work of fiction.
Sekyi, Kobina, The Blinkards, A Comedy (first performed in Cape Coast, 1915) Heinemann 1974 ISBN 0 435 00136 2
MARITA: or the Folly of Love. A Novel by A. Native
Newell, Stephanie - Editor Notes,
bib, index, x, 146pp, NETHERLANDS. EJ BRILL, 9004121862 2001 paperback
Presents
and contextualises what was probably the first West African novel in English.
The anonymous writer's story critiques the Christian, Victorian model of
marriage imposed on Africans, and was originally serialised in 40 episodes in a
Ghanaian newspaper between 1886 and 1888.
WRITERS FROM OTHER COUNTRIES IN AFRICA
Chinua Achebe, No Longer at Ease (Nigeria)
Mariama Ba, So Long a Letter (Senegal)
Athol Fugard, Master Harold and the Boys (South Africa)
Ngugi wa Thiong'o, A Grain of Wheat (Kenya)
Ngugi wa Thiong'o, Weep Not, Child (Kenya)
Ben Okri, The Famished Road (Nigeria)
Ferdinand Oyono, Houseboy (Cameroon)
Ousmane Sembene, God's Bits of Wood. (Senegal)
Wole Soyinka, Ake: The Years of Childhood (Nigeria)
YOUR MADNESS, NOT MINE by MAKUCHI. OHIO UNIVERSITY PRESS,
1999.
With an Introduction by Eloise Briere. ISBN
0-89680-206-X, $16.95.
FROM PUBLISHER'S BLURB:
Women's writing in Cameroon has so far been dominated by Francophone
writers. The short stories in this collection
represent the yearnings and vision of an
Anglophone woman who writes both as a Cameroonian and as a woman whose life has been shaped by the minority status
her people occupy within the nation-state.
The stories in Your Madness, Not Mine are about postcolonial Cameroon, but especially about Cameroonian
women, who probe their day-to-day
experiences of survival and empowerment as they deal with gender oppression: from patriarchal expectations to the
malaise of maldevelopment, unemployment,
and the attraction of the West for young Cameroonians.
Makuchi has given us powerful portraits of the people of postcolonial Africa in the so-called global village who
too often go unseen and unheard.
FROM THE INTRODUCTION BY ELOISE BRIERE:
"The characters Makuchi creates are survivors; they are scrappy and
they are strong, especially the women. As
we enter their world and see the neocolonial
forces of gargantuan proportions that shape their daily living, Makuchi's pen guides us into a new literary space. She
wields her pen like a pioneer's axe in the
forest, clearing new spaces . . . that invite us to consider the realities we would otherwise never
know."
MAKUCHI was educated at the University of Yaounde (Cameroon) and McGill
University (Montreal) and is now Associate Professor of English at The
University of Southern Mississippi.
CRITICISM
A New 'New' Jerusalem?
West African Writers and the Dawn of the New Millennium
by Abioseh Michael Porter, Drexel University, Philadelphia PA
Jouvert, A Journal of Postcolonial Studies, Published by
the College of the Humanities and Social Sciences North Carolina
StateUniversity Volume 4, Issue 2 (Winter 2000) http://social.chass.ncsu.edu/jouvert/v4i2/con42.htm
Copyright © 2000 by Abioseh Michael Porter,
all rights reserved. This text may be used and shared in accordance with
the fair-use provisions of U.S. Copyright law, and it may be archived
and redistributed in electronic form, provided that the editors are
notified and no fee is charged for access. Archiving, redistribution, or
republication of this text on other terms, in any medium, requires the
notification of the journal and consent of the author.
The decades of the
eighties and early nineties must be seen as some of the worst periods of
economic, social, and cultural dislocations in contemporary West African
history. The recent unsavory political and social events in Africa --
ranging from the tragedies of Somalia, Liberia, Algeria, Sudan, Angola,
Sierra Leone through the bloodbath in Rwanda, Democratic Republic of the
Congo and on to the potentially very explosive situation in Nigeria -- at
times have created a sense of doom. One can say that, notwithstanding some
qualified successes (South Africa, for example), the future of the
continent seems apocalyptic. Such a situation has naturally led historians
and political commentators to start asking some fundamental questions
about the continent all over again. Problems such as the following, which
seemed to have been addressed some time ago, are being raised afresh:
"What went wrong?" "How did things come to such a
pass?" "How could at least some of these tragedies have been
avoided?" Of course, these are questions that many historians and
several creative writers have asked during the past three decades. The
creative writers have done this by, among other things, subverting
traditional generic elements of the historical novel. Writers such as
Ouloguem in Bound to Violence (Sphere 1968) and Armah in Two
Thousand Seasons (Heinemann 1979) have used specific literary
techniques (satire, distortion, hyperbole) to continue and at the same
time to subvert the conventions of the historical novel.
And so, while it has
often been argued that various ills -- colonialism, imperialism,
tribalism, neocolonialism, the actions of rotten politicians, stupid
soldiers, and those of uneducated intellectuals, and an indifferent
electorate and some others -- have been responsible for the present state
of affairs, the writers under discussion, using varying degrees of
apocalyptic elements and subversion of the historical novel as key forms,
seem to suggest that it would be simplistic and perhaps even dangerous to
continue to look at previous solutions as the way out for Africa in this
new millennium. Unlike much previous writing, these authors seem to be
moving away from the positions of "look at what has been done,"
"what can we do?" to a combination of "this is what has
been done" and "this is what we should or must do."
Apocalyptic writing, to be sure, does not always lend itself to one simple explanation. Nonetheless, a brief definition is necessary to help us understand its presence in some African fiction, and especially in Achebe's Anthills of the Savannah. It is generally agreed that apocalyptic literature involves "a record of divine disclosure made known through the agency of angels, dreams, and visions. These may take different forms: an otherworldly journey in which the 'secrets' of the cosmos are made known . . . or a survey of history often leading to an eschatological crisis in which the cosmic powers of evil are destroyed, the cosmos is restored, and Israel is redeemed. [1] But though it has long been common to explain apocalyptic writing by linking it with biblical, hermeneutic interpretation, my present purposes would be better served, if I briefly elaborate on some statements by Maxine Lavon Montgomery about the apocalypse in African American literature. According to Montgomery, "[i]n an apocalyptic novel the author responds to the crisis of the times, whether it is world war or sociopolitical injustice. But he [re]writes the apocalypse from the self-conscious position of one who is outside of the bedlam." [2] In my view, this awareness of the "crisis of the times" -- often characterized by a lack of any seeming ironic detachment or neutral terseness of language -- also helps to make the theme of restorative power another major characteristic of apocalyptic writing. The battle lines between the besieged and their enemies (the offending majority) are not only clearly drawn but also often provide the location for the ethical, moral, and aesthetic values in this genre of writing.
Achebe clearly does not seem content to be looking for divine intervention, apocalyptic as some of his (or even Cheney-Coker's) writing may seem. Achebe's fictional cosmos, like those of the other writers I discuss here, is fully grounded in the here-and-now material world of twentieth-century Africa. Thus it should not be surprising that the mood of political change in Anthills of the Savannah was immediately seen as another instance "of the phenomenon of military dictatorship. " [3] Achebe, after all, can be said to express nearly all that is central to social upheaval and social turmoil in West African fiction. But this observation is true only up to a point because there is an essential and fundamental difference between Anthills of the Savannah and Achebe's previous novels. This vivid but also very poignant tale of oppression and redemption does not merely stand out because of a different technical complexity and verbal density; it stands out especially because of some of the solutions Achebe offers for the major problems in his fictional creation. His vision here, like those of Cheney-Coker and Kourouma, is clearly laced not only with apocalyptic elements but also some very credible and systematic socio-political solutions.As with other
apocalyptic writings, Anthills of the Savannah is set in a period
of tremendous social stress. Events in the novel take place about twenty
years after those in Achebe's last major work of fiction, the equally
political A Man of the People (Heinemann, 1966). And because Anthills
chronicles the way in which a once fairly innocuous soldier descends to
become a modern-day tyrant in the fictional West African country of Kangan,
it might be tempting to see Anthills as just another work dealing
with political corruption in Africa. It might likewise be tempting to see
the work as Achebe's (long overdue?) nod to women, especially to their
extraordinary, even if often unacknowledged, roles in the shaping of
Africa. [4]
To say that Sam was
never bright is not to suggest that he was a dunce at any time in the past
or that he is one now. His major flaw was that all he ever wanted was to
do what was expected of him especially by the English whom he admired
sometimes to the point of foolishness.
This lack of fiber --
moral or intellectual -- on "His Excellency's" part will later
on be a contributing factor to the murder of two of Sam's closest friends,
Ikem and Chris. Encouraged by obsequious courtiers such as the despicable
"Professor" Okong and the other "disciples" -- the
cabinet is made up of twelve members -- Sam uses the state apparatus to
intimidate and silence opponents (real and imagined). Like all bullies, he
grovels toward seemingly superior power while crushing those under his
authority. Thus even though he is extremely high-handed and vindictive
toward the native Kangans, especially the Abazonians who have the temerity
to make claims for that which is truly theirs, and even though Sam shows
nothing but discourtesy and loathing for his cabinet and senior civil
servants such as Beatrice, he allows the young and inexperienced American
journalist, Lou Cranford, to be as condescending and rude as she wants to
be toward him and others. Given his misguided sense of leadership and
authority and his being prodded on by a bunch of toadies from whose
viewpoint he can do no wrong, it is not surprising that "His
Excellency" is shown trying to 'govern' the ungovernable. Force soon
becomes his only instrument of choice for ruling.
While we cannot, of course, claim that Achebe deliberately set out to write an apocalyptic novel, it can be said that the numerous sinister references and imagery of doom in Anthills give the work an apocalyptic quality. "His Excellency" and his cabinet seem to be linked pejoratively with Christ and his disciples as when, for example, the Attorney General, in the process of currying Sam's favor, says: "You know, Your Excellency it was the same trouble Jesus had to face with his people. Those who knew him and knew his background were saying: 'Is it not the same fellow who was born in a goat shed because his father had no money to pay for a chalet?'" (21-22). In the "Hymn to the Sun," Ikem the poet wonders what "hideous abomination forbidden and forbidden and forbidden again seven times have we committed?" (28). And what can be viewed as an even more fecund source for this line of interpretation is part of what Ikem says as he tries to explain to Beatrice (BB) the nature and purpose of revolutionary change:
The sweeping, majestic visions of people rising victorious like a tidal wave against their oppressors and transforming their world with theories and slogans into a new heaven and a new earth of brotherhood, justice and freedom are at best grand illusions. The rising, conquering tide, yes; but the millennium afterwards, no! New oppressors will have been readying themselves secretly in the undertow long before the tidal wave got really going.Experience and
intelligence warn us that man's progress in freedom will be piecemeal,
slow and undramatic. Revolution may be necessary for taking a society out
of an intractable stretch of quagmire but it does not confer freedom, and
may indeed hinder it. . . . (90)
I have no desire to
belittle your role in putting this nation finally on the road to
self-redemption. But you cannot do that unless you first set about to
purge yourselves, to clean up your act. You must learn for a start to hold
your own student leaders to responsible performance; only after you have
done that can you have the moral authority to lecture the national
leadership. You must develop the habit of scepticism, not swallow every
piece of superstition you are told by witch doctors and professors. I see
too much parroting, too much regurgitating of half-digested radical
rhetoric. . . . When you have rid yourselves of these things your
potentiality for assisting and directing this nation will be quadrupled. .
. . (148)
She [Beatrice] picked
up the tiny bundle from its cot and, turning to Elewa, said: "Name
this child."
"OK. You just
saved a false step, anyway. Thanks. I will start afresh. . . .
"But that's a
boy's name."
"Girl fit answer
am also."
"That's right!
May it never close, never overgrow."
"May it always
shine! The Shining Path of Ikem."
"Na fine name
so." (206)
"I say there is
too much fighting in Kangan, too much killing. But fighting will not begin
unless there is first a thrusting of fingers into eyes. Anybody who wants
to outlaw fights must first outlaw the provocation of fingers thrust into
eyes." (212)
Abdul's analogy would
most probably appeal to Syl Cheney-Coker of Sierra Leone. What
Cheney-Coker seeks to do in his fiction and most of his poetry, as Achebe
does in most of his novels, is to give not only a comprehensive and often
bitter historical survey of his native Sierra Leone, thinly disguised in The
Last Harmattan of Alusine Dunbar as Malagueta, but also to show the
need for genuine struggle as the true means for national liberation. In
this latter work, Cheney-Coker documents how co-conspirators, indigenous
and foreign to the country, gave rise to and even encouraged the savage
exploitation of Sierra Leone's mineral and other resources. One can also
surmise from the manner in which T. Obinkaram Echewa of Nigeria and
Ahmadou Kourouma of the Ivory Coast depict the disastrous consequences of
domestic and foreign exploitation of their respective countries, that they
see history as a guide to understanding both the past and the present.
What all four authors have in common, then, is a desire to serve as
challengers both to the status quo of the present and to that of the past,
a period often seen as once-glorious. The remaining three authors have
chosen the historical novel as a major outlet to look back into the past
in order to grapple with present realities. These writers also know,
however, that using history as a guide to the present is a fairly
commonplace procedure; they therefore have tried to include innovative
strategies in their works. Above all, they have relied on the oral
tradition as a major technical resource.
"One day a great
disaster will take place here, and many years after that, black people
from across the sea, who will be speaking a barbarous language, will come
here with their wayward manners." He told them that although
Almoravid diviners had come to Kasila [what is perhaps now Freetown,
Sierra Leone] before him and had blessed the place and driven out all the
djinns, there was nothing to save it from the plague of those people. But
the citizens of Kasila were not to worry, because although the foreigners
would control the place for one hundred and seventy-five years, and would
establish a most spurious society with laughable manners, and would for a
while live under the impression of being in control of their destinies,
they would in the end be pushed aside by the 'tumultuous onslaught of the
soapstone people.' Two hundred years later they would have become pieces
in a museum, he concluded. (19)
He revealed through
the trembling looking glass at what time the scourge of the wandering
Arabs would come, with their coral beads and Babylonian salt with which
they would hypnotise the town and transmogrify the people. He announced
with the incisiveness of a sabre that the town would grow lethargic again,
and waking up would find the Arabs from the Shouf mountains, with their
smell of garlic, their belch of onions, their parasitic breeding and
pugnacious competitiveness, in charge of the town. (30)
Related to the theme of personal exploitation (as is illustrated by the attempted rape episode of Fatmatta by Mr. McKinley) are larger issues such as the causes and consequences of subjugation and true human freedom. Because The Last Harmattan is about slavery and its effects on both sides of the Atlantic, Cheney-Coker furnishes the reader with vivid descriptions about the lives of former slaves as they try make a new home on the West African coast and those Africans who still try to keep their people in captivity. Led by the Martinses -- Gustavius and his African-born wife, Isatu -- and Jeanette Cromantine, the returnees very quickly establish a settlement in Malagueta. The bulk of the novel then focuses on this new beginning.
Aided by new arrivals such as Rodrigo, the Brazilian, and (later on) by other characters such as the black civil war veteran, Thomas Bookerman, Louisa Turner, Phyllis Dundas, and the brothers Farmer -- Richard and Gabriel -- the settlers are able to create farms, set up shops, build schools and even escape from some of the hostile indigenous forces. The quasi-idyllic surroundings are soon disrupted, however, by British colonialism. Motivated by greed, a racial superiority complex, and a spirit of adventure, the British Captain Hammerstone invades Malagueta, leading to a prolonged stalemate between his forces and those of the nationalists led by Thomas Bookerman. The war between the colonialists and nationalists provides a good opportunity for Cheney-Coker not only to offer a running commentary on those Africans who, just as at the time of the slave trade, sided with the enemy, but also to demonstrate an effective use of the supernatural. In fact, we can say that it is in scenes such as this confrontation between Bookerman and Hammerstone that the writer makes some of his finest use of the fantastic. As Bookerman leads a funeral procession -- the largest crowd of black people that Hammerstone had seen since he had first encountered them during a stop in Louisiana -- to the cemetery, the captain imperiously tries to stop it:"Stop, or I shall shoot," warned Captain Hammerstone.
A hawk circled in the sky looking for a chick. Somewhere in the distant quiet came the echo of a thousand feet marching like a trained army. Captain Hammerstone raised his revolver to shoot. He aimed at Thomas Bookerman with a hand that trembled with the anxiety of not wanting to do what it had been commanded to do, and he squeezed the trigger and waited for the resounding evidence of his action. But instead of Bookerman, he saw the most beautiful woman he had ever seen, looking straight at him with the deadly eyes of a scorpion. He heard the bullet ricochet against the shell of an animal that had swum in the deepest rivers, over the longest resources of time, before surfacing to the shore to torment men like him and others who had the temerity to interfere with the dance of the spirits on their journey to a different home. (169)As in several other
episodes, this passage creates the impression that there is a Manichean
struggle in which forces of good, beyond normal human control and for
quite a while, outwit those of evil. Writing in a manner suggesting that
realist or naturalist techniques may not always be the best ways to convey
certain ideas, Cheney-Coker allows his fiction to respond more
experimentally, more boldly to the world of the fantastic. The spirit of
the dead Santigue Dambolla (Isatu Martins' father) thus provides
disembodied protection for his living wife, Sawida, and family. The
diviner, Modiba, prognosticates quite correctly that the Lebanese,
derisively described as "a monstrous horde of coral-bead
sellers" (191), would dominate the commercial interests of Malagueta.
Santigue Dambolla also sends grotesque signals -- in the form of the
identical twin dwarfs -- from the dead to provide an explanation for his
daughter's miscarriages and then offers a remedy for Isatu's seeming
barrenness. And like Alusine Dunbar years before him, Garbage Martins
foresees the arrival of "Arab traders hawking coral beads"
(258).
[Thomas Bookerman] viewed with contempt the beginnings of the rise of an oligarchy: men who only yesterday were shopkeepers with bad teeth and could barely read now ordered evening jackets in black Venetians and hopsacks; women who only yesterday were content to wear hand-me-downs and keep clean houses had taken to buying gold and parading in silk and brocade at church services.
"Dis is inevitable," he told Phyllis. "Dey over de hill, and now dey want to have balls and parties like their masters in de other place." Nor was he surprised by the awe and respect with which some of the Malaguetans were beginning to recall the place which only a few years ago they had been only to eager to escape. (213)What we see in passages such as this one is clearly a shift in authorial attitude. Instead of presenting a situation where the supernatural is used to protect the Malaguetans, the author provides us with realistic descriptions of some of the internal and external conflicts that contribute to the collapse of the settlement. With snobbery, lack of imagination, and masochism becoming the norm among the powerful, it is not surprising that this phase of the Malaguetans' life comes to a climax with the imposition of white rule. In spite of the best efforts of fighting men such as Gustavius Martins, Sebastian Cromantine, Gabriel Farmer, Bookerman, and the 'women without men' such as Isatu Martins, Phyllis Dundas, and Jeanette Cromantine, the country quickly becomes a colony. Indeed, we now begin to see Alusine Dunbar's predictions enacted. By the time the visionary Garbage Martins -- son of Isatu and Gustavius -- meets with Alusine Dunbar and learns some more about the country's history, personages and impending doom, it is already too late. We are told that "nothing in [Dunbar's] occult weaponry had prepared for the vandalism that greeted him" when he comes back back a hundred and fifty years later. "The destruction has started," he says (289). Significantly, for Cheney-Coker as an artist and a Krio of slave ancestry, the pain as well as the distortions of slavery and colonialism are major but not the exclusive causes of Sierra Leone's problems. Continually using battles that help to define apocalyptic writing, he documents some of the other reasons for the country's misery: treachery, avarice, superiority, and inferiority complexes, and so on.
Cheney-Coker often evokes folk beliefs and mystical powers as a means of partially explaining this destruction. He makes it clear that, although the Malaguetans may have brought some of these upon themselves, there is still a possibility of temporal salvation if they can use some of the attributes of traditional society -- human warmth, a concern for the feeling of others, and so on -- to do the right thing [5]. That is why when the mantle of leadership is passed on to Garbage, Alusine Dunbar reappears as his mentor, and aided by the spirit of Fatmatta the bird woman, Garbage is finally able to get rid of the colonialist 'snake' Hammerstone. But the negative changes in Malagueta have already been too dominant and the rest of the novel focuses on the rapid decline that leads eventually to the attempted coup with which the work starts. Betrayal, greed, misplaced priorities, a strong sense of decadence, and cultural and moral sterility merely pave the way for the tyrannical state that marks the beginning of the novel.One of the most
interesting and strangest debuts in African fiction, The Last Harmattan
of Alusine Dunbar is probably the closest thing Sierra Leone has to a
national epic. No author has set out more determinedly to capture in
fiction the hopes, aspirations, false contributions, disappointments and
despair of the Sierra Leonean people. The novel's scope, its inclusion of
legendary heroes and heroines, its actions consisting of some acts of
great valor, the presence of the supernatural, its myths of origins, the
use of Alusine Dunbar as griot and the general use of elevated language,
all help to emphasize the work's epic quality. This epic, however, is not
a mere panegyric to the past: it is one that strains toward a vision of a
genuinely new dawn. The author's sense of national history is one marked
by revolutions in both thought and action, and by various struggles for
liberation. The basic notion behind Cheney-Coker's prose seems to be a
reminder to most Sierra Leoneans that their enemies are parts of the past
and of the present; these enemies include both Sierra Leoneans and their
foreign allies. The will not only to survive but also to lead a better
life, he suggests, should therefore push his compatriots to choose on
which side of the battle lines they want to be.
If we accept that the
theme of Cheney-Coker's novel is a fictional history in epic form of the
rise, fall, and possible resurrection of a potential paradise, we can see
the literary affinities it shares with Ahmadou Kourouma's Monnè,
outrages et défi. In this novel, Kourouma also uses elements of the
folk tradition to focus on the transformation and systematic degradation
of a country with immense natural and other resources, from the time
before European colonialism to the neocolonial period of
post-independence. Kourouma stresses that the seasons of Monnè (woes or
pain) that are played out in this fictional country (Ivory Coast?) had
been envisioned centuries before and could have been avoided. They had
been foretold way back in the twelfth century and, in fact, several
messages had been sent to confirm that prediction. Djigui, the king of
Soba, rejects the first messenger, claiming that the Europeans "ne
pourront la passer que s'ils réussissent la tache impossible de
reconstituer tes effets. Ils resteront englués comme des oiseaux pris au
piège sur Kouroufi" (19) [could only get through if they performed
the impossible feat of putting your belongings together. They will be
stuck to the Kouroufi like birds caught in a trap ].[6] With the advice of his supporters, he also
dismisses a total of eight other emissaries who announce defeats of kings
such as N'Diaye of Djolof and Ahmadou of Segou. Djigui then swears
allegiance to Samory Touré, the legendary West African warrior-leader,
but even this action is not enough to save Djigui and his people:
[On the return trip
home Djigui was awakened three nights in a row by the same nightmare. He
was the Almamy, a man alone, seated in his prayer skin, which every
day.... This is a dream that would come back to him all his life long
whenever he thought of Samory. The diviners had explained that it meant
that there would come a period of interminable seasons when Africa would
never see nightfall. . . ]
As Kourouma takes readers on this historical journey, he indicates in very explicit ways the debt he owes to the African oral tradition. In fact, his deft manipulation of some of the various resources of oral communication helps to him convey his message as forcefully and as convincingly as he does. [7] We see this very early in his use of language. Speaking more in the manner of Achebe's narrators than, say, those of Laye, Oyono or most other francophone authors, Kourouma's narrator often uses the folk vernacular:
Il les rappela ensuite.---- Qui poss'de une
mauvaise réputation ne ramasse pas de cadavre de chèvre derrière le
village sans que naissent des soupçons. Sinon, qui sait ici l'intention
réele du commandant? . . . Une chose cependant reste claire comme la
paulme de la grenouille, et Bernier le savait bien. Yacouba n'est pas sans
propriétaire et l'on ne frappe pas le chien dans les jambes de son
maître sans frapper le maître. (175)
---One who has a bad
reputation can't pick up the corpse of a goat at the back of the village
without giving rise to suspicions. Otherwise who here knows the
commandant's real intentions? One thing remains clear, however, as the
palm of a frog, and Bernier knew that. Yacouba is not without property and
you don't hit a dog in his master's legs without hitting his master.]
"Le lieutenant
sélectionna, parmi les filles peules vierges, les quatre ayant la peau la
plus claire et le nez le plus droit; elles furent réservés aux deux
Blancs. . . . L'interprète commanda qu'on les conduisit au marigot et les
nettoyât dans tous les recoins et particulièrement sous les cache-sexe;
elles étaient trop sales pour être consommées crues". (56)
The interpreters also
use flattery to coopt traditional rulers (Djigui, for example) for the
colonialist cause; and they refrain deliberately and in a self-serving
manner from translating the truth about "le dénuement des villages .
. . l'indigence des gens. . . . Les pays de Soba sont devenus exsangues"
[the destitution of the villages . . . the indigence of the people. . . .
The lands of the Soba have been bled to death] (110). Not surprisingly,
the interpreters refuse to provide genuine information about World War ll,
the French government's collaboration with Hitler, and especially about
the large numbers of Africans being used as cannon fodder under Pétain's
direction. In fact, Soumaré the interpreter, described as "la
nocturne clabaud du commandant" [the commandant's nocturnal watchdog
or gossipmonger] (115), confirms this linguistic conspiratorial role when
he allows that his promotion to a civil service job is "une promotion
que j'ai méritée pour mon rôle dans la pacification rapide, sans
effusion de sang, des pays du Soba" ["a promotion that I earned
for my role in the rapid, bloodless, pacification of Sobaland"] (70).
Le pauvre diable capturé dans son village et descendu à Soba travaillait chez le sicaire, le représentant, le chef de canton et l'interprète gratuitement; l'interprète, le chef de canton, le représentant et le sicaire vendaient le travail du fatigué au plus offrant. Le système fonctionna si bien qu'on vit des hommes ayant quitté leurs villages effectuer six mois de travail au noir nègre (s'ils ne réussissaient pas à déserter) avant d'être présentés au Blanc complètement vides, maigres et maladies (les employeurs noirs nourrissaient très mal les manÏuvres à leur service (84).
[The poor devil captured in his village and taken down to Soba would work for the hired assassin, the representative, the canton chief and the interpreter for free; the interpreter, the canton chief, the representative and the hired assassin would sell the labor of the worn-out soul to the highest bidder. The system worked so well that one saw men who had left their villages put in six months of black-market work (if they did not manage to run away) before being handed over to the White man, completely drained, skinny and ill (black employers provided very little food for laborers intheir service)].Anyone reading Monnè will quickly notice Kourouma's introduction of several sub-plots into the narrative, but the reader will also realize that the writer's overall concern is with freedom and the African's relationship to those evils that threaten freedom: tyranny, racism, bigotry, sexism, superstition, and dictatorship, among others. In fact, one can say that what manifests itself as a real kinship of artistic spirits between Kourouma and the other writers discussed in this essay is their call to people of good will to wage total, unrelenting war against the forces of domination and reaction. In discussing these seemingly intractable human problems, Kourouma allows us to see his need of the traditional resources of African story telling. This point needs some expansion.
Clearly, Cheney-Coker and Kourouma want to elaborate on ideas expressed in novels such as Ouologuem's Bound to Violence and Armah's Two Thousand Seasons, two historical novels which stress that human exploitation is not merely skin- or color-based. Kourouma realizes that the sheer scope of the Monnè or woes (a perfectly acceptable -- and perhaps preferable term to monnew, which is used in the English translation of this novel -- in many West African languages) is such that he needs the kind of linguistic and cultural flexibility that will enable him to move rapidly between the distant historical past and a very modern present. This is why he does not rely on a single griot who remembers everything or a collective group of 'rememberers' to narrate the story. The character known as the Centenarian is, of course, the main repository of history and power; he is allowed to experience it all. Having arrived at age 125, when he seems to have stopped counting birthdays, he has not only experienced many forms of betrayal and treachery, famine, illness, death wars, in his own country, but also has visited his spiritual and cultural holy lands: Mecca and Paris. And being a wily old rascal purportedly armed even with some supernatural powers, he seems fully equipped to deliver information on legendary material, genealogy, historical data, and aspects of the future.But Kourouma makes it
clear that problems such as senility, political instability, and so forth
might prevent Djigui from paying attention to all of these details; so in
accordance with an implied desire to give the reader the whole picture,
the novelist allows other griot-narrators (Djeliba, Faudoua) to take over.
The presence of these different voices -- and these are voices who for the
most part want to be heard -- is one of Kourouma's most effective means of
passing judgment on individual characters, on traditional Africa and its
structures, on Europe and its colonial functionaries, and on all of those
who simply want to bring in "les autres mythes: la lutte pour
l'unité nationale, pour le développement, le socialisme, la paix,
l'autosuffisance alimentaire, et les indépendances économiques; et aussi
le combat contre la sécheresse et la famine, la guerre à la corruption,
au tribalisme, au népotisme, à la déliquance, à l'exploitation de
l'homme par l'homme" (287) [the new myths: the struggle for national
unity, for development, for socialism, for peace, for nutritional
self-sufficiency, and for economic independence; and also the fight
against drought and famine, the battle against corruption, tribalism,
nepotism, juvenile delinquency, exploitation of humans by their fellow
humans] (287). Kourouma makes evident in statements such as these the
types of cosmic battles between mighty opposites that must be fought if
Africa is to become a genuinely free place. The confrontations between the
perpetrators and their myths -- used in the derogatory sense of lies -- on
the one hand, and the rest of the people on the other, must be understood
by Africans if they are to know who is on the side of the enemy. Implied
in all of this is a denial of all empty routines and false ethnic, racial,
gender, or other essentialist solidarities. In other words, like Achebe,
Cheney-Coker and Echewa, Kourouma disgards as solutions for his country's
(and possibly Africa's) problems all comforting pieties devoid of
meaningful action.
My concern up to this
point has been to show how Cheney-Coker and Kourouma use elements of
traditional African oral communication to present events covering vast
periods of time: events beginning in the thirteenth century in one work
and in the fifteenth century in the other, and with both ending in the
post-colonial period of the twentieth century. T. Obinkaram Echewa does
not go that far back in I Saw the Sky Catch Fire, but his sense of
history and the techniques he uses to make history his subject matter are
no less significant or impressive. Using an actual war that had been
fought between the Igbo women of Nigeria and British colonialists in 1929
as his focal point, Echewa makes expert use of the art of story-telling,
of song and dance, and of conversational tone to convey his message. The
powerful and important theme of how solidarity, fairness, and
determination not only can stop tyranny but also can bring genuine
liberation to all concerned forms the core of this novel. Thus, although
the story is told primarily by and about women, Echewa wields the beauty
and efficacy of African oral story-telling so that the work's ultimate
meaning goes beyond the immediate experiences of the women. [8] His two-part narrative deals with several
subjects: remembering, learning, forgiveness, understanding, courage,
betrayal, determination, and so on. But what is underlined more than
anything else is how the presence of solidarity, fairness, and
determination will make a good home better, a loving family more loving,
and a strong people more powerful. The appeal of such virtues should not
mislead readers into thinking that Echewa is preaching an idealistic
message about some lost paradise that is waiting to be regained. Rather,
he seems to propose that a sensible solution to some of Africa's
socio-cultural problems might lie in Africans reclaiming a way of life
that had been present in many of their communities but that had also been
traditionally gendered as female. No wonder he suggests, corollarily, that
the absence of all of these virtues can lead only to slavery, in one form
or the other, and ultimately to destruction.
Reconciliation with both the beauties and the horrors of the past seems to be Nne-nne's watchword as she bids farewell to Ajuziogu, her grandson. This theme is sounded throughout the text. She jolts Ajuziogu and the reader into listening to her account of female oppression through distinctive techniques of narration and description. In rhetoric typical of her speaking style, this is how she describes the role of woman in the cycle of life:
A woman is truly a hen. Every part of her body is demanded as sacrifice to one juju or another. No, less than a hen. A woman is nothing. Yet, a woman is everything! If a man is high like a tower, a woman is deep like a well! If a man is a mountain, a woman is the ocean! A woman is like a god! A woman's crotch is a juju shrine before which men always kneel and worship. It is their door into this world. That is why we always sing the Crotch Song whenever a baby is born. . . . Yet, men say, Nwanyi abugh ihie! A woman is nothing. (14)Nne-nne spends the
bulk of the first part of the novel expounding four major issues for
Ajuziogu: the bullying of women by men and its corollary, the cowardice
often displayed by the men; the causes of the different war(s)--
anti-colonial, anti-tax, anti-male oppression, and anti-hostile
traditions; the role of African co-conspirators in the exploitation of
their motherland; the positive effects of solidarity and support on the
individual or the group. We notice that whether she is describing the
differences between the way the men fought their battles and the manner in
which the women fought theirs or whether she is describing other events,
the means chosen by Nne-nne to instruct her grandchild are totally in
accord with her own personality: simple yet knowing, comprehensible but
also uncompromisingly tough on principle, straight-forward, humorous (when
necessary), and objective.
"Ala hentu!"
Her point in this and
several other vignettes -- such as those dealing with Ufo-Aku and her
brother-in-law, (11-13), the conflict between Chief Onyiri-Dike and Ndom
(80-81), and Ahunze "the Impossible Wife" and the men of Ama-Nkwo
(125-126) -- is the same. Instead of the men providing support (not
necessarily protection) for their fellow citizens (the women) and defense
of their land and traditions, they simply behave like bullies and cowards.
They fight very hard to trample the rights of women while tolerating the
worst forms of oppression from colonialists.
By making Nne-nne
describe and emphasize her world in terms she knows best rather than in
modes valorized by official Western discourse, Echewa enables the reader
to move with ease from the grand issues of the society to very personal
ones, such as the incongruous demands of society on the individual. The
themes of subjugation and liberation (female or otherwise) are not
presented through pretentious or detached theories and discussions but
through simple stories and analogies. The story of the encounter between
the fanatical census-taker Sam-el, or of the 'unstoppable counter' who
kicks a defenseless pregnant woman and the women who take their revenge on
him, seem more convincing, and have the potential of generating more
empathy from the reader, than documents produced by 'cogitators' would
have been. Correspondingly, the benefits of solidarity and a united front
are stressed not by political doctrines or scholarly documents but by
several fine descriptions and reenactments of actions taken by women.
Nne-nne and her colleagues do not only tell Ashby-Jones about solidarity;
they act it out and extend it to her during her captivity. It is also in
this vein that Nne-nne handles other subjects such as the arrogance of
colonialism, the real danger of domestic violence, and clitoridectomy.
As I stated
previously, Echewa shares with Cheney-Coker and Kourouma not only a common
interest in the oral culture of Africa but also an interest in the manner
in which such folk wisdom can be used for human liberation. This position
is made quite evident in the closing scenes of I Saw the Sky Catch Fire.
In these final pages, the same set of issues that had confronted men and
women are magnified because they become very personal and immediate for
one of the co-protagonists, Ajuziogu. When he returns from the United
States he has come full circle in the process of acquiring traditional as
well as non-traditional wisdom. Nne-nne has been waiting for him not only
because she wants to see him one last time and bequeath the land to him
but, especially, because she wants to give him a final lesson on two of
her favorite subjects: solidarity and fairness.
* * *
If a flavor of
African life is therefore to be captured in novels written in English ,
the English [or any other] language has to be flexed and bent to allow
those idiomatic and rhetorical usages to be presented. . . .
In fact, Achebe, Cheney-Coker, Echewa, and Kourouma seem to have heeded their advice. These authors have capitalized on resources such as apocalyptic imagery and aspects of the oral tradition to make very convincing points about what should be done about West Africa's future . [9] Indeed if, as is often the case, it is agreed that a literary genre is like a family composed of mutable members who nonetheless exhibit essential likenesses, we can say that these new historical novels are testimony to the living nature of genre. By using some elements of apocalyptic writing and by employing rhetorical devices from the African oral tradition, Achebe, Cheney-Coker, Echewa, and Kourouma indicate ways in which readers of West African literature might approach the new millennium with revalued cultural weapons. Because, in essence, these authors see the genuine liberation of the West Africans they are depicting as central to their craft. The battle, they seem to suggest, is far from being won, and it will not be won merely by using empty moral jeremiads, as some previous protagonists of West African fiction seemed to think. These authors point to concrete ways in which the new century might become better than most of the preceding ones have been for West Africa.
Notes1. Metzger and Coogan; for more definitions of the apocalypse and fine reviews of apocalyptic writing, see Ahearn, Keller, Montgomery, and Weber. Back
2. Montgomery 4-5. Despite minor qualms about Montgomery's unreserved acceptance of some essentialist statements John Mbiti makes about futurity and the hereafter among Africans, I still find her study quite interesting and relevant to aspects of my essay. Back 3.
Enekwe 35. Immediately following the publication of Anthills of the
Savannah, many of the essays written on that novel, like Enekwe's, tended
to focus on the theme of dictatorships (military and civilian). Some more
recent essays, such as Leonard A. Podis and Yakubu Saaka's "Anthills
of the Savannah and Petals of Blood: The Creation of a Usable Past,"
tend to contrast the corrupt present with a much more bearable, perhaps
even magnificent, past. Thus, Podis and Saaka, comparing Anthills with
Ngugi's Petals of Blood, suggest that: "Thematically, too, both
novels express, and attempt to resolve, a complex ambivalence towards
sociocultural modernization, recognizing its powerful appeal, but
criticizing it for its association with corruption and for its ill fit
with traditional values and contemporary cultural needs" (294-295).
While the idealization of the past is certainly not as strong as they seem
to suggest in any of the novels I am discussing here, Podis and Saaka are
quite correct when they hint of a new Jerusalem in the person of Ama
Amechina, Elewa and Ikem's daughter, and her generation (297). Back
5.
A fine critical analysis of Syl Cheney-Coker's The Last Harmattan of
Alusine Dunbar is Brenda Cooper's chapter "The Plantation Blood in
his Veins: Syl Cheney-Coker and The Last Harmattan of Alusine Dunbar"
(115-155). I may not always agree with Cooper's analysis of the novel (for
example, I think she seems to have missed Cheney-Coker's ironic treatment
of aspects of traditional African life when she refers to the
"novel's politically conservative urge towards the myth of past
origins -- the base of national reconstruction" (154). But even if
one takes issue with a few specifics of Cooper's reading, one cannot help
but recognize the considerable power of her fundamental arguments. Back
7.
Critics have often, and quite rightly, highlighted Kourouma's indebtedness
to the African oral tradition. Ahmadou Koné provides careful
documentation and ample discussion of such use in his work. As an example
of Koné's efforts, let us look at what he says of Kourouma and the
latter's use of African oral culture, especially his native Malinke
language:
[Kourouma's success
comes from the pleasant appropriateness between the French language
adapted judiciously to the imaginary Malinké. . . . Kourouma's desire to
describe his imaginary African from the inside led him to write two
languages at the same time. Kourouma writes a French language transformed
by the Malinké language. The fulfillment of this double language which
already surprised, charmed, or shocked, was only made possible thanks to a
system which shows all its reliability in Monnè, outrages et défi. . . .
Beyond words, one can indeed notice in the language of the novel turns of
phrase with an African bent, proverbs, in short, what one calls
conventional forms.] Back
9. All four writers discussed here also seem mindful of a most important point made by Eileen Julien about the relationship between orality and the written literatures of Africa. While these authors recognize and celebrate the significant role of their respective oral cultures, they do not deify those cultures. As Julien remarks, "To exalt orality and oral traditions, then, is as ultimately sterile and blinding as to malign them. The exaggerated dichotomy between the orality of Africa and the writing of Europe took in the past a different form (orality as primitive/writing as evolved) which we have long dismissed. But it nevertheless reproduces itself as the object of literary criticism in the propensity to elevate the oral mode and world above the literate/technological one" (23). Back
Works CitedAchebe, Chinua. Anthills
of the Savannah. New York: Anchor, 1987.
---. Things Fall Apart. London: Heinemann, 1968
Armah, Ayi Kwei. The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born. London: Heinemann, 1968.. Two Thousand Seasons. London: Heinemann, 1979.
Ahearn, Edward J. Visionary Fictions: Apocalyptic Writing from Blake to the Modern Age. New Haven and London: Yale UP, 1996.Brodzki, Bella. "History, Cultural Memory, and the Tasks of Translation in T. Obinkaram Echewa's I Saw the Sky Catch Fire." PMLA, Vol. 114, No. 2 (March 1999): 207-220.
Cheney Coker, Syl. The Last Harmattan of Alusine Dunbar. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1990.Chinweizu, Onwuchekwa Jemie, and Ihechukwu Madubuike. Toward the Decolonization of African Literature, Vol. l. Washington, DC: Howard UP, 1983.
Cooper, Brenda. Magical Realism in West African Fiction: Seeing With a Third Eye. London and New York: Routledge, 1998.Echewa, T. Obinkaram. I Saw the Sky Catch Fire. New York: Plume, 1992.
Enekwe, Onuora Ossie. "Chinua Achebe's Novels." In Perspectives on Nigerian Literature 1700 to the Present, Vol. Two. Ed. Yemi Ogunbiyi. Lagos: Guardian Books, 1988. 31-37.Julien, Eileen. African Novels and the Question of Orality. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana UP, 1992.
Keller, Catherine. Apocalypse Now and Then: A Feminist Guide to the End of the World. Boston: Beacon Press, 1996.Koné, Ahmadou. Des Textes oraux au roman moderne: Étude sur les avatars de la tradition orale dans le roman ouest-africain. Frankfurt: Verlag für Interkulturelle Kommunikation, 1993.
Kourouma, Ahmadou. Monnè, outrages et défi. Paris: Seuil, 1990.Metzger, Bruce M. and
Michael D. Coogan, eds. The Oxford Companion to the Bible. New York
and Oxford: Oxford UP, 1993: 34-36.
Nnaemeka, Obioma.
"Gender Relations and Critical Mediation: From Things Fall Apart
to Anthills of the Savannah." In Challenging Hierachies:
Issues and Themes in Postcolonial African Literature,. Ed. Leonard A.
Podis and Yakubu Saaka. New York, Washington, D.C: Peter Lang, 1998, pp.
137-160.
Podis, Leonard A.and
Yakubu Saaka. "Anthills of the Savannah and Petals of Blood:
The Creation of a Usable Past." In Challenging Hierachies: Issues
and Themes in Postcolonial African Literature. Ed. Leonard A. Podis
and Yakubu Saaka. New York, Washington, D.C: Peter Lang, 1998, pp.
294-309.
Bernth Lindfors Black African Literature in English, 1992-1996 xlii + 654 pp. ISBN 0-85255-565-2 £90.00/US$140.00 casebound Oxford: James Currey Publishers, October 2000.
This is the first title just published by James Currey under the Hans Zell Publishers imprint. The volume is a continuation of Bernth Lindfors's earlier volumes, the most recent of which was Black African Literature in English, 1987-1991 (London: Hans Zell Publishers, an imprint of Bowker-Saur, 1995), which was the joint winner of the ASA's Africana Librarians Council 1996 Conover-Porter Award. The new volume lists 13,500 entries - some of which are annotated to identify the authors discussed - covering books, periodical articles, papers in edited collections and selective coverage of other relevant sources. Also included are a substantial number of African newspaper and magazine articles. Indexes by author, title, subject, and geographical index.
A collection of stories and dramas in which 'we find tyrants, fetish priests, slave traders, naughty princesses, warlords and witch doctors'. Bib, 223pp. UK . MINERVA PRESS, 07541091191999 PB GBP12.50
H-NET List for African History and
Culture [H-AFRICA@H-NET.MSU.EDU]
Date: Tue, 14 Dec 1999
From: Peter Limb, U Western Australia
<plimb@library.uwa.edu.au>
JOURNAL OF AFRICAN CULTURAL STUDIES
(previously African Languages and Cultures)
Volume 12 Number 2 December 1999
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
Special Issue: Literature and history
Literature and History:
Introduction Nana Wilson-Tagoe & Kwadwo Osei-Nyame 117
Social history, literary history,
and historical fiction in South Africa Michael Green 121
Pan-Africanist ideology and the African historical novel of
self-discovery: the examples of Kobina Sekyi and J. E. Casely
Hayford Kwadwo Osei-Nyame 137
Narrative, history, novel: intertextuality in the historical novels of
Ayi Kwei Armah and Yvonne Vera Nana Wilson-Tagoe 155
The politics of Black Identity: Slave Ship and Woza Albert! Francis
Ngaboh-Smart 167
Linkages of history in the narrative of Close Sesame Raymond Ntalindwa
187
'Traduttore Traditore'? Alexis Kagame's transposition of Kinyarwanda
poetry into French Anthere Nzabatsinda 203
H-Africa has permission to
post this TOC, but for furtherdissemination
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Copyright Carfax Publishing Ltd, 1998
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be
reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in
any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior
written permission of the publisher, Carfax Publishing Ltd,
PO Box 25, Abingdon, Oxfordshire OX14 3UE, UK.
This important new book is a
critical introduction to the rapidly expanding field of postcolonial
studies. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, the author draws on
literary criticism, philosophy,
anthropology, history and politics to develop a distinctive account of
postcolonialism.
Quayson discusses key debates in the field, including the implications
of various forms of interdisciplinarity for postcolonial studies, the
relationship between indigenous knowledge and contemporary historiography, the
links between postmodernism and postcolonialism and the insights of feminism for postcolonial theory.
He explores the relevance of these debates for cultural, literary and political
criticism.
Throughout the text, he stresses the importance of seeing postcolonialism as a
process of analysis which does not simply refer to another stage after colonialism, but
to a continuing struggle against colonialism and its effects.
He discusses the work of Rushdie, Morrison, Achebe, Soyinka and Okri, amongst others;
many of his examples are drawn from African cultures, an area which has been hitherto neglected by postcolonial theory.
Sheila Petty reviews: Pushpa Naidu Parekh and Siga Fatima Jagne, eds.Postcolonial African Writers: a Bio-Bibliographical Critical Sourcebook. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1998. xxxii + 525 pp. Selected bibliography and index. $85.00 (cloth), ISBN 0-313-29056-3.
H-AFRLITCINE@H-NET.MSU.EDU
12-02-99
H-NET BOOK REVIEW Published by H-List@msu.edu
Reviewed for H-List by Sheila Petty, Sheila.Petty@uregina.ca,
Department of Film and Video, University of Regina (extract)
African Literature and the Postcolonial Debate
In Postcolonial African Writers: a Bio-Bibliographical Critical
Sourcebook, Pushpa Naidu Parekh and Siga Fatima Jagne undertake the
ambitious project of creating an overview of a diverse group of African
literary authors under the auspices of a single volume. A
much-needed sourcebook, this work brings together resources that would
normally be scattered over several volumes and presents a critical
examination of the issues, advantages and shortcomings of postcolonial
theory as it relates to African writing.
In the preface to this book, Parekh
states that "the central organizing principle of the volume
is postcoloniality as it is reflected in the novels, poetry, prose, and
drama of major, minor, and emerging writers from diverse countries of
Africa, including representative North and South African writers and
writers of the Indian diaspora born in Africa, both male and
female" (p. xiv). In addition, the editors have set
themselves the task of creating a gender balance in terms of the
selection of writers and contributors. In a response to the
"center-versus-margin construction of identities and
ideologies" (p. xv), the editors locate known and emerging men and
women writers side by side in order to place full focus on African
contexts, possibilities and problematics and the shape and meaning of
African theoretical preoccupations (p. xv).
The book consists of sixty bio-bibliographical and critical entries
organized into the following categories: biography, major works
and themes, critical reception and bibliography which consists of
selected works and selected studies. Of these, the major works and
themes and critical reception sections are vital in advancing the book's
goals because it is here that works are discussed in the context of
"postcoloniality". In addition, works are also situated
within the historical and cultural context of the authors'
contemporaries. This resists the compartmentalization of
individual African writers either by stature or gender and allows for a
greater sense of African literature as a whole comprised of many
strands.
In her foreword to the book, Carole Boyce Davies asserts that "its
primary and most important contribution is that it accounts concretely
for a range of writers of a specific geographic specificity within the
larger field of postcolonial studies... a body of writers emanating from
the African cultural experience" (p. x). The volume advances
this project by the inclusion of new writers such as Mositi Torontle
(Botswana) and Tijan Sallah (Gambia) alongside established luminaries
such as Chinua Achebe (Nigeria) and Ngugi wa Thiong'o (Kenya).
Thus, the book possesses unusual breadth and documents African
literature as a vibrant and continually unfolding literary practice.
How
Postcolonial is African Literature? A
Special Issue of MATATU edited by Ezenwa-Ohaeto and Frank Schulze-Engler
The
Journal MATATU is planning a special issue on "How Postcolonial
is African Literature?", to be published in Spring 2003. When
Nigerian critic and poet Niyi Osundare posed this question in MATATU
eight years ago, postcolonialism was already a major critical current
exerting considerable influence on the reception and criticism of
African literature. Since then, postcolonial theory and postcolonial
studies have continued their meteoric rise and have turned into a
veritable academic growth industry: in numerous universities all over
the world African literature is today primarily researched and taught
in terms of its "postcolonial" qualities.
Against
this background, the special issue of MATATU will address the
following questions: How do the critical protocols of postcolonial
theory relate to the literature actually produced on the African
continent today? Can the emphasis on poststructuralist and
postmodernist theory be reconciled with an emphasis on the social and
political role of literature in Africa? How "postcolonial"
do writers in Africa feel today? In how far does postcolonialism
influence publishers and translators of African literature, and in how
far does it conflict with the perspectives of readers in Africa? Is
there too little or too much of the "colonial" in the
"postcolonial": i.e. is "post"colonialism an
attempt to deny the economic and political legacy of colonialism, or
is post"colonialism" an attempt to explain the complex
realities of contemporary Africa in terms of oversimplified verities
based on past conflicts between colonisers and colonised? How can
postcolonialism be criticised without reverting to critical traditions
such as cultural-nationalist nativism or orthodox Marxism? How does
postcolonialism relate to the specific modernities of contemporary
Africa, and are there other theoretical and critical modes of
addressing these modernities beyond postcolonialism?
MATATU
invites critical essays and scholarly articles on the questions raised
above which must reach the editors before December 31st, 2002. We are
particularly interested in contributions that combine theoretical
arguments with critical perspectives on specific African literary
texts. Please send a detailed abstract or description (about 500
words) to either of these e-mail adresses: eohaeto@hotmail.com or schulze-engler@em.uni-frankfurt.de
All mail correspondence should
go to:
Prof.
Dr. Frank Schulze-Engler J.W. Goethe-University Frankfurt Instut fuer
England- und Amerikastudien Grueneburgplatz 1 D - 60323 Frankfurt a.M.
Germany
MATATU
is a journal on African literatures and societies dedicated to
interdisciplinary dialogue between literary and cultural studies,
historiography, the social sciences and cultural anthropology. For
more than ten years it has been published by Editions Rodopi
(Amsterdam, Atlanta GA) and is currently edited by Gordon Collier,
Geoffrey V. Davis, Tobias Doering, Ezenwa-Ohaeto, Frank Schulze-Engler
and Chantal Zabus.
Twentieth-Century Caribbean and Black
African Writers. First Series. Detroit, MI: Gale Research Inc., 1992.
Twentieth-Century
Caribbean and Black African Writers. Second Series. Detroit, MI: Gale Research
Inc., 1993.
Black African
Literature in English, 1982-1986. By Bernth Lindfors. New York: Hans Zell
Publishers, 1989.
A New Reader's Guide to African Literature. Second Edition (Revised and Expanded). Edited by Hans Zell, Carol Bundy and Virginia Coulon. London: Heinemann, 1983.
Douglas Killam and Ruth Rowe, eds. The Companion to African
Literatures. Oxford and Bloomington: Indiana University Press,
2000. xiii + 322 pp. Index. $49.95 (cloth), ISBN 0-253-33633-3
Southern African
Literatures. By Michael Chapman. New York: Longman, 1996.
African Literature, African Critics: The Forming of Critical Standards, 1947-1966. By Rand Bishop. New York: Greenwood Press, 1988.
New Writing From Southern Africa: Authors Who Have Been Prominent Since 1980. Edited by Emmanuel Ngara. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1995.
To Lay These Secrets Open: Evaluating African Literature. By Brenda Cooper. Cape Town: David Philip, 1992.
A Morbid Fascination: White Prose and Politics in Apartheid South Africa. By Richard Peck. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1997.Reading Chinua Achebe. By Simon Gikandi. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1991.
Notes on Mariama Ba's So Long a Letter. By Judith Njage. Nairobi: Heinemann Educational Books, 1984.Reading Buchi Emecheta: Cross-Cultural Conversations. By Katherine Fishburn. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1995.
What Happened to Burger's Daughter or How South African Censorship Works. Emmarentia, South Africa: Taurus Press, 1980.Bessie Head: Subversive Identities in Exile. By Huma Ibrahim. Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1996.
Dambudzo Marechera: A Source Book on His Life and Work. By Flora Veit-Wild. New York: Hans Zell, 1992.Es'kia Mphalele: A Bibliography. By Catherine Woeber. Grahamstown, South Africa: National English Literary Museum, 1989.
Critical Perspectives on Ngugi wa Thiong'o. Washington: Three Continents Press, 1984.The Poetry of Okot p'Bitek. By George Heron. New York: Africana Publishing Company, 1976.
Wole Soyinka and Modern Tragedy: A Study of Dramatic Theory and Practice. by Ketu H. Katrak. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1986.Aspects of Yoruba Cosmology in Tutuola's Novels. By Ikupasa O'Mos. Kinshasa, Centre De Recherches Pedagogiques, 1990.
Daniel Gover, John Conteh-Morgan, and Jane Bryce, eds. The Post-Colonial Condition of African Literature. Annual Selected Papers of the African Literature Association. Trenton and Asmara: Africa World Press, 2000. 149 pp. $19.95 (paper), ISBN 0-86543-771-8, ISSN 1093-2976.
Eldred Durosimi Jones and Marjorie Jones, eds. Exile and African Literature. Trenton and Asmara: Africa World Press and Oxford: James Currey, 2000. viii + 152 pp. $19.95 (paper), ISBN 086543-822-6, ISSN 0065-4000.
Appiah, Anthony K. (1992). In My Father's House: Africa in the
Philosophy of Culture. London: Methuen.
Diawara, Manthia (1998). In Search of Africa. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.
Mudimbe, V. Y. (1988). The Invention of Africa: gnosis, philosophy, and The order of knowledge. Bloomington: Indiana University Press; London: Currey.
Mbembe, Achille (2001). On the Postcolony. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Ato Quayson reviews Achille Mbembe's On the Postcolony
H-Africa, Bibliographies, Documents and Essays
Suppliers
Africa Book Centre, London
An excellent and comprehensive source.
http://www.africabookcentre.com/
orders@africabookcentre.com
Books by African Publishers are available from:
African Books Collective
The Jam Factory
27 Park End Street
Oxford OX1 1HU, UK
Tel:+44-(0)1865-726686 Fax:+44-(0)1865-793298
E-mail:abc@dial.pipex.com
Web site:www.africanbookscollective.com
The same books are distributed in the U.S. by the Michigan State
University Press. http://msupress.msu.edu/series.php?seriesID=22
African Shop at http://www.over2u.com
for books on and about Africa and Nigeria in particular.
From: Katrina Daly Thompson
<kdthomp3@students.wisc.edu <mailto:kdthomp3@students.wisc.edu>>
VOICES: The Wisconsin Review of African Literatures, which I edit, posts advertising and Africa-related links on its web site, at no charge:
http://african.lss.wisc.edu/all/voices/
Interested parties should email information they would like to see posted to <voices@student.org.wisc.edu <mailto:voices@student.org.wisc.edu>>.